Donald Trump, answering to a question from La Stampa on Friday, October 2, has, at least for the time being, put an end to the tensions with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. Trump’s statements are unpredictable and often catch even his own aides off guard. In June, there had been a particularly sharp back-and-forth through social media and phone interviews, during which Trump said that Meloni had begged him to take a picture with her at the G7. Her response was equally blunt: “Italy does not beg.” But there had already been warning signs in April.

The immediate consequence was the cancellation of the U.S.-Italy bilateral trade summit in Miami. On October 2, responding to our Iacopo Luzi, Trump said he had an “excellent relationship” with Meloni and that he “likes her and has always liked her.”

From a media and political standpoint, there is no denying that tensions reached the highest levels between Rome and Washington. Yet, aside from the cancellation of the summit, they have not undermined bilateral relations.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio had already traveled to Rome in May, shortly after another outburst by the U.S. President, who was angry with Italy over its refusal to fully authorize the use of the Sigonella air base for strikes against Iran. In Rome, Rubio met with both Meloni and Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani. It was an important visit, allowing Washington to reiterate its disappointment with some NATO allies — Spain above all, but Italy as well — over their lack of support in the conflict with Iran. At the same time, however, it helped strengthen ties on all the other major issues, starting with Ukraine and Italy’s role in Lebanon, through UNIFIL, as well as in Libya.

In other words, despite the summer storm and some awkward moments, Italy remains one of the United States’ key allies. The signing of the rare-earth agreement on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, during a meeting between Rubio and Tajani, is only the latest example.

The numbers reinforce this picture. From a trade perspective, the United States is the largest destination for Italian exports outside the European Union. More than 6,000 Italian companies operate in the United States, employing more than 300,000 Americans.

But there is a danger in taking the strength of these longstanding ties for granted.

Looking ahead, both Italy and the European countries — those closest to Washington as well as those seeking greater strategic independence — will have to take into account that the trans Atlanticism of the past will gradually lose some of its intensity.

This does not mean a weakening of shared values. Rather, it reflects a redefinition of U.S. strategic priorities: toward Asia and China, toward the development of high-tech industries, and toward greater attention to trade and critical areas in the Western Hemisphere. These priorities will increasingly shape American foreign policy, regardless of whether a Democrat or a Republican occupies the White House.

A lack of “special attention,” however, will not necessarily mean disengagement or disinterest. The United States and Italy are now deeply interconnected on every front. It will not be the amount of time Washington devotes to Italy that determines the strength of the relationship, but its quality.

And that quality — from trade to defense, pharmaceuticals, tourism and the historic ties between the two countries — is hard to erode. And that is the level where the alliance must flourish in the future.